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Research in Brief
First-Year Male Students' Perceptions of a Rape
Prevention Program 7 Months After Their
Participation: Attitude and Behavior Changes
John D. Foubert Jerry L. Tatum Eric E. Godin
Seven months after seeing The Men's Program,
a commonly used rape prevention program, 248
first-year college men responded to four open-
ended questions concerning whether or not the
program impacted their attitudes or behavior,
particularly regarding alcohol related sexual
assault. Two thirds of participants reported
either attitude or behavior change during the
preceding academic year due to the programs
effects or that the program reinforced their current
beliefs, with many describing specific incidents of
either intervening to prevent a rape, or stopping
themselves from engaging in risky behavior.
Multi-campus studies have shown that one
in four college women have survived rape or
attempted rape at some point in their lives
(Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2006). Though a
minority of men rape, the vast majority of rape
is committed by men; therefore, focusing on
those who cause the problem seems to have
the greatest likelihood of success in addressing
the problem. In addition, it makes sense for a
second line of defense against rape to include
training men in intervention techniques to
prepare people for situations that might turn
into a rape, in an effort to promote change in the
culture in which the behavior occurs (Banyard,
Moynihan, & Plante, 2007; Katz, 2006).
The theoretical framework for the present
study was belief system theory. This theory
states that, in order to produce lasting attitude
and behavior change, interventions must be
designed to maintain people's existing self-
conceptions (Grube, Mayton, & Ball-Rokeach,
1994). Self-conceptions are the roles people
try to live up to and the people they strive to
be. In the context of changing attitudes and
behavior, Grube et al. concluded that it is
possible to change attitudes and behaviors by
using a single intervention. Such lasting change
usually results from bringing persuasion targets
to the point where they become dissatisfied
with their current values and seek to change
them to maintain self-enhancing perceptions
(Grube et al.). Though men do not perceive
themselves to be potential rapists, they do
perceive themselves to have the potential to help
survivors and to be people who can intervene
when a rape situation might occur (Scheel,
Johnson, Schneider, & Smith, 2001). They also
perceive themselves to be potential bystanders
who can intervene successfully to prevent a rape
(Banyard et al., 2007). By approaching men in
line with these self-perceptions, presenters of
The Men's Program (Foubert, 2010) have been
able to have long-term success changing men's
attitudes and behavior (Foubert, Newberry, &
Tatum, 2007).
The Men's Program, an all-male sexual
assault peer education program, has been based
in the literature on effective rape prevention
John D. Foubert is Associate Professor and Program Coordinator of the College Student Development Master's Program
at Oklahoma State University. Jerry L. Tatum is Adjunct Assistant Professor of Educational Foundations and Leadership
at Old Dominion University. Eric E. Godin is Manager of Research Projects at the Council of Independent Colleges.
The authors wish to acknowledge grant funding from the U.S. Department of Education OJJice of Safe and Drug
Free Schools, without which this research would not have been possible.
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programming methods (Brecklin & Forde,
2001; Schewe, 2002). The findings of a meta-
analysis showed that programs presented to
all-male audiences are much more likely to
change men's attitudes and behavioral intent to
rape than are those presented to coeducational
audiences (Brecklin & Forde). In addition, as
men increase their empathy with survivors,
understand rape trauma, and have more
aversion to rape, they report less likelihood of
raping (Schewe). Furthermore, Schewe reported
that studies depicting a man as a survivor
significantly improves men's attitudes toward
rape and/or lowers their behavioral intent
to rape. In stark contrast, studies depicting
a female survivor increase men's rape myth
acceptance; one such program even increased
men's reported likelihood of sexual aggression.
Therefore, presenters of The Men's Program
show a video (One in Four, 2010) describing a
male-on-male rape experience designed to teach
men how a rape experience might feel. The
program also includes an emphasis on defining
sexual consent along with training in bystander
intervention techniques (Banyard et al., 2007).
The program itself lasts about 1 hour and is
usually presented by four undergraduate male
peer educators, often part of peer education
groups affiliated with the national nonprofit
organization, One in Four.
An earlier focus group study with a
follow-up survey of fraternity men and
student—athletes has shown evidence of lasting
attitudinal and behavioral changes resulting
from this program (Foubert & Cowell, 2004;
Foubert & Perry, 2007). Most reported both
attitude and behavior change. Further research
has found that after participating in this
program, men predict that they will be less
likely to be sexually coercive and that they
would intervene to help prevent an alcohol-
related rape from occurring (Foubert, Tatum,
& Donohue, 2006).
Following many literature reviews noting
that no study had shown a change in sexual
assault behavior resulting from a program
(Anderson & Whitson, 2005; Schewe, 2002),
a study of The Men's Program recently showed
quantitative results that men who see it at the
beginning of their first year in college and join
a fraternity commit fewer and less severe acts of
sexual assault than do men who do not see it
and join a fraternity (Foubert et al., 2007).
Given the high association between
alcohol and sexual assault on college campuses
(Loh, Gidycz, Lobo, & Luthra, 2005) and
the limited amount of information provided
by quantitative measures about the nature
of attitude and behavior change associated
with The Men's Program, the next logical
research questions call for a method that can
elicit more information. For example, does
the program have an impact on choices men
make in alcohol-related intimate situations?
Does it change their attitudes regarding such
matters? Does it change their behaviors?
Given the broad and uncertain nature of these
research questions, we determined that they
could be best answered through qualitative
methods, given their post-positivistic nature
and the fact that they lend themselves best to
a constructivist paradigm.
Given our desire to let men speak for
themselves and not be constrained by quan-
titative measures of impact, we selected
qualitative methodology for our study. We
used a qualitative approach so that participants
could describe in their own words whether
and how the program impacted them. Such
qualitative approaches help uncover the
meaning of the intervention to the participants
and help identify unanticipated phenomena
and influences that may not have been
previously known (Maxwell, 1996). In this
present study, we sought to answer two
overarching research questions:
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1. In what ways does The Men's Program
impact first-year male students' attitudes
toward alcohol-related sexual assault 7
months after program participation?
2. Does participating in The Men's Program
motivate men who see it to behave
differently particularly in alcohol-related
intimate situations 7 months after program
participation? If so, how?
METHOD
Participants
Participants in this study consisted of 248
first-year male students who were attending a
midsized southeastern public university with
an undergraduate enrollment of approximately
5,000 students. As a required session for
orientation, first-year male students in the
present study saw The Men's Program during
September of 2005- This sample constituted
85% of the 290 first-year male students eligible
for involvement. All participants were enrolled
full time, were traditional age first-year
students (18—19 years old at the beginning of
the academic year), and lived on campus, as
required by university policy Approximately
15% were men of color. Given prior research on
this program showing that men of color react
in remarkably similar ways to the program as
do Caucasian men, separate analysis were not
performed for men in different racial groups
(Foubert & Cremedy, 2007).
Materials
At the end of the academic year in which they
saw The Men's Program (7 months later),
participants were asked to respond in writing
to the following four open-ended questions.
1. Compared to before you participated in
the One in Four program last September,
are any of your attitudes now different as
a result of seeing the program? If so, what
attitudes?
2. More specifically, are any of your attitudes
toward intimate sexual activity under the
influence of alcohol different as a result
of seeing the One in Four program? If so,
what attitudes?
3. Since seeing the One in Four program in
September, have there been any situations
in which you have behaved any differently
in any situation as a result of seeing the
program? If so, please describe in detail
how you behaved differently.
4. More specifically, was there any situation
since seeing the One in Four program in
September involving alcohol and potential
or actual intimate sexual activity where you
or others you were with behaved differently
as a result of seeing the One in Four
program? If so, please describe in detail
how you or they behaved differently.
Procedure
In September, participants completed consent
forms, saw The Men's Program, and completed
measures for a study of the program's effects.
Seven months later, graduate student research
assistants went door to door through the
first-year residence halls to administer and
collect follow-up surveys that included the
aforementioned four open-ended questions.
Researchers visited halls repeatedly over a
3-week period until they achieved an 85%
overall return rate for the survey. Researchers
were persistent about locating each potential
participant; however, they did not ask a
potential participant to complete the survey
more than once if the participant declined
participation. Participants were encouraged
to respond out of a desire to contribute to the
knowledge about the variables being studied
and to obtain the monetary incentive for
the study. Each research assistant achieved
approximately the same return rate for his or
her surveys. They explained that participation
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Research in Brief
was voluntary and that responses would remain
anonymous. In return for completing the
study each participant received a $10 gift card
to a local convenience store. Each participant
completed his survey privately and placed
it in a common return envelope to ensure
anonymity. Participants were given as much
time as they needed to complete their survey
while the graduate student waited down the
hallway for him to complete it. The average
participant took approximately 20 minutes to
complete his survey.
Data Analysis
After survey completion, results were analyzed
by three male researchers: a male faculty
member, a male doctoral student, and a male
master's student. All had training, coursework,
and experience using qualitative methods and
were well versed with the process used. Male
researchers were used to analyze data in order
to best understand the common male language
and meaning of the statements made by
participants. We analyzed the responses to the
questions using Patton's (1990) description of
a multistage inductive analysis. As an analysis
that is part of a constructivist paradigm, there
was no a priori structure imposed upon the
voices of participants. We identified key terms
and phrases that emerged by reviewing the
responses provided by the participants. We
next identified themes that helped organize
participants' responses, paying particular
attention to identify what was truly meaningful
to the participants themselves. These steps
afforded us the opportunity to suggest mean-
ing, draw conclusions, and understand the
data more holistically. Initially, we coded the
data separately. After all individual data coding
took place, we came together and discussed
our coding schemas. Where data coding
conflicted, we came to consensus through
dialog and discussion, all the while utilizing
the common analysis framework to guide
the process. Finally, consideration of "causes,
consequences, and relationships" (Patton, p.
422) occurred whereby we attached meaning
to findings and drew conclusions to help
illuminate, understand, and extrapolate the
data. Given that the second and the fourth
questions were most central to the purpose of
the study, we will provide more examples of
the themes for those questions and will limit
discussion of the first and third questions to
a brief summary.
FINDINGS
Two thirds of our participants indicated
that they experienced either attitude change
or behavior change or that the program
reinforced their current beliefs. One third of
participants stated that they could not identify
any attitude or behavior changes resulting from
the program during the 7 months since seeing
the program the previous September.
Attitudes
Seven months after seeing The Men's Program,
participants responded to the question "Com-
pared to before you participated in the One in
Four program last September, are any of your
attitudes now different as a result of seeing
the program? If so, what attitudes?" The most
prevalent theme including about a half of
participants was "No change or reinforced my
current attitudes." The second theme to emerge
from answers to this question, which included
responses from about a third of participants,
was becoming "more aware" of (a) "laws and
policies," (b) "personal responsibilities," and
(c) the "impact and nature of rape." These
participants consistently described how their
awareness of various aspects of rape changed
because of program attendance.
The third major theme to emerge during
analysis of this question was participants' view
of their newfound possibilities of "stepping
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Journal of College Student Development
Research in Brief
in" as a bystander to intervene. Some men
stated that because of the program they were
now better able to intervene when recognizing
harmful situations. A fourth theme included
comments from participants who stated that
they would no longer "react violently to
the attacker." Finally, participants reported
"sensitivity to rape jokes," emphasizing how the
use of rape jokes by some individuals can have
damaging consequences to the desensitization
of rape and other sexually aggressive attitudes
and behaviors.
As a more detailed follow-up question,
our second question was, "More specifically,
are any of your attitudes toward intimate
sexual activity under the influence of alcohol
different as a result of seeing the "One in
Four" program? If so, what attitudes?" This
question sought to determine whether any
attitudes changed exclusively in relation
to the connections between alcohol and
sexual assault. Five themes emerged from the
data analysis, (a) "no/not really," (b) "more
cautious," (c) "better understanding of what
rape is," (d) "no sex while drinking," and (e)
"accused men are the real victims."
Though this question asked for more
specific attitude change than did the first
general question, more participants reported
attitude changes in response to this question
than on the previous question. Less than
half of the participants claimed "no" or "not
really" as an explanation to the question. Many
participants who further explained their "not
really" responses indicated that the program
reinforced their current attitudes. The second
theme to emerge for this question, mentioned
by a quarter of participants, was becoming
"more cautious" in intimate situations that
involved alcohol as result of seeing the
program. One particular example of this type
of response was "I'm now more prone to say
we should 'continue' when she is sober."
This caution was exercised in obtaining
consent during intimate encounters involving
alcohol. Participants' noted that they now have
a better understanding of how alcohol can
make "intimate activity . . . dangerous since
senses, memory, and decision making" abilities
are impaired. Participants commented, "When
alcohol is related, things get hazy and consent
can't necessarily occur." Others described how
they now understood that the influence of
alcohol during sexual situations means that "it
is very important to define clear consent and
limits of sexual activity."
Another theme centered on how partici-
pants now had a "better understanding of
what rape is" due to seeing the program.
We labeled the fourth theme "no sex while
drinking." Participants' responses for this
theme, reported by about 1 in 8 respondents,
reflected a heightened awareness of ensuring
that no alcohol consumption takes place
during intimate situations. For example, one
participant stated, "I've actually turned down
sex with a drunk girl because I was worried,
I guess this is a thank you." The final theme
that emerged in the attitude data analysis,
composed of the comments of a few men who
did not agree with the material presented, was
labeled as "accused men are the real victims."
It was associated with statements from men
that indicated that participants did not receive
the desired program message as intended.
For example, one participant commented,
"I cover my ass, especially knowing how this
school treats the accused. This whole thing
criminalized all men. We're obviously all sexual
predators." Though this comment reflected a
man who reported that he would presumably
not have sex under the influence of alcohol, it
expressed strong resentment toward restricting
this mode of behavior.
One obvious relationship in the data
was that about half of the participants
experienced either no change in their attitudes
or reinforcement of their attitudes. This lack
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of attitude change appeared to be caused by
their current attitudes being in line with the
program's message. As a consequence, they
reported no attitude changes. The other half of
participants reported many ways in which their
attitudes experienced changes and attributed
the cause of those changes directly to having
experienced The Men's Program. These changes
included everything from an increased general
sense of awareness to a specific desire to be
helpful in the process of intervening as a
bystander when a situation calls for it. A
substantial portion of participants reported
that as a consequence of seeing the program
that they had a newfound sense of how they
should avoid intimate situations where alcohol
is involved.
Behavior
The third question asked, "Since seeing the
'One in Four' program in September, have
there been any situations in which you have
behaved any differently in any situation as
a result of seeing the program? If so, please
describe in detail how you behaved differently."
Three-quarters of participants answered this
question with "no" or "not really." Given
that many participants already described
behavior changes in response to attitude
change questions, it seemed that participants
did not repeat responses involving behavior
change when they had already reported it in
response to attitude change questions. Three
themes emerged in response to this question:
(a) "prepared for intervention," (b) "using
caution when intimate," and (c) "discouraging
rape jokes."
The final question asked participants,
"More specifically, was there any situation
since seeing the 'One in Four' program in
September involving alcohol and potential or
actual intimate sexual activity where you or
others you were with behaved differently as a
result of seeing the 'One in Four' program? If
so, please describe in detail how you or they
behaved differently."
Most participants responded "no" or
"not really" to this question. However, two
additional themes emerged from the responses
including (a) "no drunk hook-ups" and
(b) "willingness to intervene." One group
of participants clearly expressed a personal
practice of "no drunk hook-ups" with respect
to their individual actions and behaviors
while at parties and with women. One male
wrote, "Yes, I have been hit on by drunk
girls, but I don't do anything because they are
under the influence." Men also turned down
invitations for sex when they were drunk. A
male commented, "I almost had sex with a girl
when I was drunk once, but I thought about it
and opted not to because there could be major
consequences."
Another group of participants who re-
ported a "willingness to intervene" as a
bystander, and commented that they, and
their friends, looked out for female friends at
parties and made sure they went home with
responsible men if they needed assistance.
One participant wrote, "I have warned others
not to take advantage of a drunk girl and also
usually went with them to drop a girl off."
Such men appear to understand the situational
aspects that may lead to sexual assault and look
after their female friends to ensure unwanted
contact does not occur.
A majority of participants did not report
specific changes in their behavior during the
7 months after participating in The Men's
Program. A potential cause of this lack of
behavior change was the lack of time for
behavior change to occur. Given social and
university policy constraints, some first-year
students many not have been in situations
where they were around many alcohol-related
encounters in which they or others were
involved. Another potential cause was that
there was nothing in the program that was
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Journal of College Student Development
Research in Brief
effective in motivating change among those
participants. Among participants who did
report behavior change, the changes reported
were indicative of a rape being prevented
through bystander intervention or by the
individual participant making a different
decision in his intimate encounters.
DISCUSSION
In a quantitative study using the same partici-
pants, men who joined fraternities reported
fewer and less severe forms of sexual assault
committed over a 7-month academic year
than did first-year students who did not report
joining fraternities (Foubert et al., 2007). By
using qualitative methods, the present study
allowed participants to breathe life into these
numbers by putting the program's impact into
their own words. In doing so, student affairs
practitioners can better identify program
elements of promise and areas in need of
continued development.
Research has shown that men vary in their
risk for committing acts of sexual assault.
For example, one study showed that men
in fraternities are at three times the risk for
committing sexual assault than are other men
(Loh et al., 2005). That finding is noteworthy
given results in a study contemporaneous to the
present study showing the efficacy of The Men's
Program in lowering the frequency and severity
of incidents of sexual assault among men who
join fraternities (Foubert et al., 2007). Men
in the present study noted numerous ways
in which they were changed by the program,
including changes in their willingness to
intervene as bystanders, their increased caution
during alcohol-related intimate situations, and
their choosing not to have intercourse with
intoxicated women. The program seems to
have been successful in targeting many of the
men who needed it most. At the same time, it
is clear that a few men were put off or simply
not reached by the messages of the program.
What is unclear is whether these men were at
any risk for committing sexual assault. Those
who were put off by the program's messages
may have felt that it did not apply to them;
alternatively, they may be so high risk that the
program had no way to get through to them.
Clearly, many participants reported that in
the academic year after they saw the program
they attributed attitude and/or behavior
change to the program. Others reported that
the program either did not change them or
that it reinforced their current dispositions.
The themes that emerged from data analysis
tended to be related directly to the objectives
of the program. Men whose responses fit into
these themes seemed to indicate a deeper level
of understanding of what rape is and how to
assist those who may have become victims of
sexual violence. Given that men reported such
specifics about what they remember from the
program and how their attitudes and behavior
changed, it seems that their learning experience
must have been a powerful one in which they
deeply encoded the material presented to
them.
Limitations
The study was limited in that open-ended
questions were used on a written survey, which
did not afford us the opportunity to ask follow-
up questions, to see nonverbal reactions, or to
probe for more detail in participant responses.
Also, given the anonymous nature of these
surveys, we were unable to conduct individual
member checking to assess the trustworthiness
of our interpretations.
Implications
Practitioners can learn many lessons from the
findings in this study. On a grand scale, the
process of basing programs in theory, research,
and improving them through continuous out-
comes assessment research has been affirmed.
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Research in Brief
The program modified and assessed in this
study is based in belief system theory (Grube,
Mayton, & Ball-Rokeach, 1994) was guided
in its development by available research on
rape prevention program elements (Schewe,
2002), and has been continuously improved
by outcomes assessment research (Foubert &
Perry 2007; Foubert et al., 2006). In doing so,
a powerful intervention was created resulting
in the kinds of comments reflecting attitude
and behavior change reported in this study.
Student affairs professionals who are in
positions to make decisions about sexual
assault programming efforts can be encouraged
by the results of this study to use rape
prevention methods that include all-male peer
education; discussions of male-on-male rape,
an empowering tone of how to help a sexual
assault survivor; and an interactive discussion
on how to intervene as a bystander if a rape
situation seems like it might occur. In this
study, that combination of methods led to
comments where two thirds of men reported
attitude or behavior change.
Student affairs professionals should also take
caution from these results. Despite some success
of a 1-hour program, a stronger commitment
to the issue of sexual assault programming
is needed on college campuses to adequately
address this complex issue. Given that one
third of participants did not report attitude or
behavior change, and not all who did necessarily
would conduct themselves in accordance with
sexual assault policies, college campuses need
to devote more than one or two hours of
programming to the sexual assault issue.
Conclusions
Ultimately, this study documents the experi-
ence of a large majority of first-year male
participants who were able to describe specific
ways in which a rape prevention program
impacted their attitudes or behavior at the
end of the academic year in which they saw
it. The findings herein lend credence to the
assertion that men's attitudes and behaviors
can change in the long term after seeing a
one-time, 1-hour program. The results are
also a reminder that, though the program
leads many to report desired results and that
it has promising potential, more powerful
interventions are still needed to dramatically
reduce sexual assault on college campuses.
Short, one-time programs are not sufficient
by themselves. Dramatic change is much more
likely with multiple interventions and changes
in campus culture. This study offers both hope
that programmatic efforts can reach men and
successfully change their behavior to help end
rape and a reminder that there is still much
more ground to cover as we all work toward a
day when the one in four statistic is shattered
and women have more reason to feel safe on
the nation's college campuses.
Correspondence concerning this article should be
addressed to John D. Foubert, 314 Willard Hall,
Stillwater, OK 74078; john.foubert@okstate.edu
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Research in Brief
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